| | Charles Green again. A few comments follow (forwarded with
permission) from a young activist artist living in London, recent
projects in Berlin and Melbourne, now subscriber to this list, all
of which I'd agree with. Again, the binary presumption of art world
institutions bad/salon des refuses good, locks one into a benign
self-validating exclusion fantasy that preserves the mythology of
art-as-instrument thwarted by power and preserves the belief that
institutions are monolithic (except for you and me). As Professor
Wark says, "It's the way critical theory becomes hypocritical
theory. Just refuse to look at your own institutional setting and
direct the critical focus elsewhere." He's exactly right. Seeing my
comments and Brian Holmes as opposites are Wark's sentences proved
right. Things are simply more complex and bleak, and so is
contemporary art. The phenomenon of contemporary collaboration is
something else again. CG
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From: Tom Nicholson <tomjnic-*at*hotmail.com>
Subject: RE: [freecooperation] Diffusion: Collaborative Practice in
Contemporary Art
Dear Charles
Feel like I have come in in the middle of a conversation, and as a
result feel reluctant to weigh in on the list without knowing where
the conversation came from.
However, a couple of thoughts on your reply (to an unseen email)...
There is an obvious necessity to reject the idea that art is a tool
for achieving political goals. Although I can think of a handful of
art works that have produced tangible and significant changes in
consciousness (Guernica, or perhaps Christo and Jean-Claude's
Reichstag wrapping), these are highly exceptional and what they
caused in a broader political sense is in some ways incidental to
their structure. (At least it's not what is really interesting about
these art works). The desire to cause political change through an
art work almost inevitably needs to uninteresting art, and implicitly
authoritarian tropes.
This is not to advocate art's withdrawal from the political. Far
from it. In any powerful art work, I would say that a large part of
the richness of the experience of that work is that it makes present
the possibility of another reality. By that I don't mean a Sci-Fi
novel about a future in which cars run on cabbage juice, but that
this procedure of making present an alternative order is largely at
the level of language. The language of the work manifests, in that
short experience, possibilities of being that the daily forms under
capitalism, in work and through capitalism's symbolic order,
foreclose. The work is not a tool to make something happen in a
(deferred future). It IS its political content, and it is immensely
powerful in generating this procedure.
This is a necessary distinction to the logic of Stalinist art (as
indeed advertising). It is also a distinction to the normal
understanding an effective political action: that is causes a change
to take place, a means to an end.
I would also argue that not only should art not be instrumentalised,
nor should action.
A revolutionary action is one that shares art's quality of being its
political content, of enacting (on however minute a scale) its
political proposition. For me a powerful example of such an ontology
is the action last year at Woomera in which refugee
activists (working outside the camp) and refugee prisoners (working
inside) together broke down the fences at the camps and the prisoners
ran free (several were later recaptured, but many others remain 'at
large'). The action was accompanied by a week-long radio broadcast
into the camps on a temporary radio station organised by a group of
activists. In both cases, the action incarnated the reality it
proposed (the end of borders, a freedom of movement and information
exchange). The actions also had instrumental value (media coverage,
bringing the issue to attention of the public), but, like Guernica, I
would argue that this was peripheral to its main power, which lay in
the way it made real and present.
This character of action is for me a significant thread within the
most interesting parts of the anti-globalisation movement, and is
both fed by Negri's recent writing but also links up with the most
interesting and secular parts of Beuys' thinking. It is liberating
in thinking about art and politics' relationship because it jumps the
argument out of the quandary about why make political art when it has
little or no affect. More importantly, it provides a different
model about how revolution might now occur, one which is more
plausible than an October style storming of parliament, one which
avoids the tendency towards dangerous centralisation of power which
has accompanied almost every revolution in history, and one which
avoids the deferral of the moment of truth (which Leninism and
Christianity share in common).
Finally, I should add, in case it sounds like I am poo-poohing the
heritages of communism, that it is capitalism which remains the
system against which these actions need to occur, and, not unlike
Negri, I think of these revolutionary actions as continuous with many
of the traditions within the library of Marxism, as much as they are
(necessarily) opposed to the understanding of action and symbols in
Stalinism.
So in some ways I am not sure I agree that your letter writing is
more powerful than your art work in political terms. Perhaps it is
more accurate to say that the former is more pragmatically engaged
with the current order, but also more resigned to its limitations.
It is also why the German/Berlin squat scene is interesting to me
because I think it involves precisely this making present of an
alternative order, but not like Nimbin (Australia's alternative
commune rainforest hideaway area), as a retreat from the dominant
order, but rubbing up against it in a daily and spatial sense. And
of course, many of them emerged through Beuys' understanding of the
relationship between action and art, and as such they provide a nexus
between him and the anti-globalisation movement, and are,
significantly, set against (physically) the failure of Soviet
Communism and the rampage of capital initiated by the end of the cold
war.
Hope all goes well with you.
Tom
--
Dr Charles Green
Senior Lecturer in Contemporary International and Australian Art
School of Art History, Cinema, Classics and Archaeology
University of Melbourne
Victoria 3010 Australia
tel 61 3 8344 4429 fax 61 3 8344 5563 email c.green*at*unimelb edu.au
Adjunct Senior Curator 20th-21st Century Art, National Gallery of Victoria
http://www.sfca.unimelb.edu.au/profiles/charles-green/
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