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The Bolsheviks are coming! RE: Dr. C. Green |
Gregory G. Sholette |
Nov 23, 2003 16:59 PST |
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| The Bolsheviks are
coming! The Bolsheviks are coming! or, Would Altoids be Uncle Joe's favorite breath mint were he still alive today? Dear Dr. Green, I am reading and re-reading your email between gulps of strong coffee and yet still find myself blinking, bewildered and wondering to myself: "did he really mean to write what he wrote, or did I miss something here?" You write that the concept of the avant-garde is: "indissolubly complicit ·with the violence and coercion of Stalinism; art for the people; the artist's job to serve the people; the artist as part of active bolshevist cadres." Not since the mid 1970s when Hilton Kramer obliquely called on commercial gallery owners to pull their advertising out of Artforum because the magazine had been 'overrun by marxist radicals' (I am paraphrasing,) have I run across someone linking socially committed art and art scholarship (of any sort) with the red terror! Yowee! Still, I will qualify my remarks here by saying that your very short email, no doubt written with haste, is not necessarily representative of the range of your ideas on artistic collaboration, work that I admit coming to only recently and thus far only in fragmented form. I hope to remedy that soon. I would like to second Grant Kester's request that you elaborate on your bookkeeping model of artistic collaboration. Nevertheless, with regard to Stalinism, you certainly know that the chaotic artistic landscape of post-revolutionary Russian was far more contested than your one size fits all depiction. Furthermore, you are aware that in the 1920s, perhaps the "golden age" of politicized, 20th century avant-gardism, that the Proletkult denounced Constructivism and that Social Realism (Stalinist aesthetics if you like) denounced both of these only to eventually become the official art of the USSR. I can not imagine you, or anyone else, calling Socialist Realism avant-garde. And yet all three of these tendencies sought in very different ways to make art serve 'the people,' 'the revolution,' and/or the hoped for 'new, socialist man.' And even this admittedly reductivist sketch of mine does not touch on the overt political commitment of artists in other parts of Europe including dadaists or later the Surrealists: all of whom certainly can lay claim to the title avant-garde, no? Of course one could, using your logic, argue that non-marxist or anti-utilitarian oriented avant-garde art of Dada for example is somehow "indissolubly complicit" with fascist violence through the anarchic politics of the Italian Futurists? (As Marinetti proposed, "Divert the canals to flood the museums!" even if we now know such a project is better left to the US military who use rivers of thieves rather than canal water!) But I am with you however when you call avant-gardism, or at least the way it has been canonized by institutional discourse, a doctrine with a bad name. Except that my reasons for asserting this are exactly the opposite of yours. I would ask you to consider for example how to reconcile what you call the avant-garde's "historical genealogical link with left terror" and its modern day array of well heeled capitalist suitors ranging from Philip Morris to Hugo Boss to Charles Saatchi? Surely it is not the immutable, blood soaked lineage of bolshevism that has made contemporary, neo-avant gardist art the official culture of the new managerial class? As Chin-tau Wu pithily states in her book Privatising Culture: "the irony is, of course, that while contemporary art, especially in its avant-garde manifestations, is generally assumed to be in rebellion against the system, it actually acquires a seductive commercial appeal within it." (Wu Page 161.) You go on to write: "For myself, the bankruptcy of avant-gardist models lies in the use of art as instrumental-as the means to an end" My next question to you therefore is: How do you extricate the ends from the means when contemporary art is used for corporate public relations? Is there more slippage when the work serves the interest of consumerism? More space for freedom than would be the case for artists who see their work serving more populist, community oriented or extra-artistic activist goals? Shifting gears a bit, permit me to reflect on the work of some modern-day "interventionist" artists and art groups. (And contrary to your assertion artist groups are far larger in number today and have been since the 1950s than you apparently realize, but that is a different debate.) I wonder just how much of a bolshevik odor for instance arises from the work of Yomango who design flamboyant and colorful "ready to revolt," clothing filled with hidden armor for use in public demonstrations? Or the Snail Shell System of the Danish collective N55: a disk-like housing unit that offers the modern nomad mobile sanctuary and that echoes, if in earthbound ways, Tatlin's wonderfully eccentric yet utilitarian autonomous flying bicycle of the 1930s? Or the work of Michael Rakowitz and his cohorts Bill Stone, George Livingston and Freddie Flynn who create inflatable, polyethylene tents for urban homeless that, like transparent parasites, are inflated from the heating vents of city buildings? Or what of Temporary Services who provide sundry public systems for disseminating free artwork and informational zines on contraceptives, counter-global politics and community gardening primarily in Chicago? Yes, the call for art to dissolve into life, along with the call to liquidate art, were slogans of the pragmatic, revolutionary oriented, post-revolutionary Russian art scene that was itself, as you certainly know, itself a victim of Stalinism. And in many ways those same avant-garde agenda's are present in much "engaged" and collectivist art today. But to my mind this tendency that frequently dissolves individual art objects into larger systems of circulation and public deployment, ostensibly the focus of your letter, appear to deploy notions of utility for BOTH practical as well as symbolic purposes. That is to say, they are pragmatists of a sort but with a twist. They use humor and play and call on the public to "do it yourself" while appearing more as enablers or service providers than lock-step cadre. Incongruity, pluralism and informality and not appeals to unanimity or some party line fuel this new collectivism. And with "brand names" such as the Bureau of Inverse Technology, The Biotic Baking Brigade, Center for Urban Pedagogy, RTmark, NYC Surveillance Camera Players, Ha Ha, Wochenklausur, Critical Art Ensemble, The Center for Land Use, Atlas Group and The Icelandic Love Corporation one thing becomes evident: collectivism today is an identity to be performed, rather than a doctrine of conformity. Collectivism is today much more likely the legacy of rock and roll in other words than it is of Stalinism. But if the inheritance of avant-garde art remains an open question surely its ability to thrive, even decorate institutional cultural spaces is less unclear. Or is it? Bringing me to my final contention with your email: You write that the Tate and other, mainstream institutions sometimes make space for anti-institutional, activist or collectivist art NOT out of a conspiratorial ideology, but from a combination of, "·sheer confidence, power, inclusiveness, size, and even, yes, generosity,." Does not this chain of adjectives self-destruct, in so far as the concept of generosity means giving to others what you could just as easily keep yourself? What I mean by that is, I do not think these institutions have a choice in the matter of philanthropy. Nor do I think this munificence, is theirs to keep in first place. Allow me to explain and please bear in mind that I too have been a museum curator (at the New Museum in NY) and now sit on the board of a major contemporary art organization (the College Art Association): Is not the largess of powerful cultural institutions, art galleries, private collectors and corporations itself the transformed labor, creativity, ideas, artworks, public monies (in the form of tax deductions) appropriated from artists and intellectuals as well as often citizens in the first place? And does not a powerful institution today absolutely have to appear generous? I mean, isn't this the essence of corporate sponsorship of high culture? Starting way back with John Rockefeller who, following the PR disaster of the Ludlow Massacre (1914) in which armed soldiers and strike-breakers murdered nine children and two wives of striking miners who were seeking to unionize one of his Colorado facilities? But hey, I love visiting the Museum of Modern Art here in NY as well as the Met and Guggenheim and so forth, yet that does not alter the complex relationship these institutions have to an increasingly privatized and concentrated apportionment of capital: both cultural capital and the real thing. Nor does it erase any links to a brutal and barbarous history. However, does any of this mean that the employees, administrators, or the work inside these institutions is ruined? That it can not function as a form of complex communication or aesthetic experience? Therefore despite this reality I would never suggest such institutions simply be abandoned as sites of struggle. And in this sense we overlap you and I somewhat I think Dr Green. But at the same time it seems to me the power of museums and the art world is fueled by what they draw into themselves - that being among other things us as cultural producers, critics, resistors, re-toolers, public artists and so forth. Which means that there is also power on our side of the equation as well: to give, withhold, reroute, mutate. However, this can only be developed as a serious option in my opinion if our critical, oppositional discourse and cultural practice seeks to escape the circumscribed institutional framework of the art world itself. That is to say: we can not FAIL to take into account and be responsible to a "non-aesthetic set of criteria." So along with enjoying its aesthetic function the museum/art world nexus is also a place from which to DRAW OUT power for other, extra-artistic, socially progressive purposes. (Sounds a bit stalinist does it? tough.) I could take issue with other aspects of your comments: including its depiction of recent past interactive, audience engaged "political" art as exemplified by "post-colonial" theory (identity politics?) in so far as this sidelines many other vital examples of socially critical art including artists working in community settings, or with labor unions, of inside schools, hospitals and health care centers. I would also challenge your insistence that anything more needs to be said about T. Hirshhorn zzzzzzz: please wake me when that is over thank you. And I should raise the notion here, as I have done in several recent essays on what I call the "dark matter" of the art world, that there are other ways of historicizing activist, collectivist and engaged art other than the bankrupt avant-gardist model. But I have already rambled on far too much and will leave it at that. Oh, except to quickly finish the story I started out with about Hilty: As it turns out Kramer's not so subtle call for a boycott actually worked and Arftorum's "subversive" editors, Max Kozloff and John Koplans were fired. This paved the way for the glossy magazine's return to the generous arms of the "art world" following its dalliance with the dark (read red?) side. Of course by today's standards the writings that inspired Kramer's red-baiting, including those of Carol Duncan and Alan Wallach among other "revolutionaries," are now respected exemplars of social historical revisionism that counts among its affiliates T.J. Clark. Best regards, Gregory Sholette (and you can quote any of this or email to others if you like.)-- gregory g. sholette Associate Professor Arts Administration; Visual, Critical Studies The School of the Art Institute of Chicago http://www.artic.edu/~gshole/ _______________ 280 Riverside Drive, #3E New York City, NY 10025 USA |
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